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Posts Tagged ‘American History’

In school, we were taught that the colonial settlers were thoroughly admirable — hardy yet devout, hard-working and keen on personal liberty, bringing civilization to an untamed continent.  The reality, it turns out, isn’t quite so trim and tidy.

Anthropologists have uncovered strong evidence of cannibalism among the Jamestown settlers.  The evidence consists of human remains that appear to date from the “starving time” — the winter of 1609-10, when beleaguered settlers were crowded into a fort and under attack by local Indians.  The bones are of a 14-year-old girl who, based upon marks to her skull, appears to have been butchered after she was dead and stripped of meat for the remaining settlers to consume as they desperately sought to stay alive.

Interestingly, there were written accounts of cannibalism that date from the early days of Jamestown, including accounts of starving settlers digging corpses out of the ground to eat their flesh and a crazed husband who killed his pregnant wife and salted her flesh to preserve it for later consumption.  Of course, we weren’t taught any of that in our American history classes, but the recent forensic studies serve to corroborate the early written accounts.

So much of what we have learned about America has been air-brushed and sanitized — and for what purpose?  Why try to make early settlers into saint-like creatures rather than recognizing that they often acted out of desperation, anger, jealousy, greed, and other base human emotions?  No one condones cannibalism, but the true story of Jamestown’s “starving time” tells us a lot more about how far people will go to survive in a desolate wilderness than whitewashed tales of prim colonists praying over tables groaning with food.

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Tomorrow the USS Constitution — America’s oldest still-commissioned warship, and the world’s oldest commissioned ship that is still afloat — sets sail for only the second time in more than 130 years.

The Constitution will leave Boston Harbor tomorrow for a 10-minute deep water cruise under the power of the sails on its towering masts.  Its tour will commemorate the 200th anniversary of its famous battle against the British ship HMS Guerriere during the War of 1812.  In that battle, the Guerriere‘s cannonballs bounced harmlessly off the Constitution‘s sturdy oak hull, causing a sailor to exclaim that the ship’s sides were “made of iron” — and giving the Constitution her great nickname, Old Ironsides.  The Guerriere eventually surrendered to the American ship, shocking the British press and giving American morale a much-needed boost.

Old Ironsides was launched in 1797, sailed the high seas during the Napoleonic period, fought the Barbary pirates, and defeated all four British ships it encountered during the War of 1812.  The ship continued to sail under the American flag until 1855, when it was taken out of active duty, undefeated.  Since 1881, the USS Constitution has sailed the ocean seas under its own power only once — in 1997, on the 200th anniversary of its launching.  Tomorrow, Old Ironsides sails again.

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A few days ago the annotated version of George Washington’s copy of the Constitution sole for nearly $10 million — $9,826,000, to be precise.  That price was paid by the very genteel sounding Mt. Vernon Ladies’ Association.

That seems like a lot of money, until you start to think about it.  This particular volume was published in 1789, and was prepared specifically for George Washington.  George Washington! It’s nice to know that, not only did we once have leaders like George Washington, but they also read and carefully annotated their personal copies of the Constitution.  (Of course, the linked article describes the book as being in almost pristine condition, which might mean that George Washington didn’t crack it for leisure reading all that often.)

Wouldn’t you love to know what George Washington wrote in his notes to various provisions of the Constitution?  Did he have anything interesting to say about the Commerce Clause?  What did he think would ultimately be the role of the Supreme Court?  A book with George Washington’s notes on the Constitution would be some fascinating living history

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The British National Army Museum has held a contest to identify England’s greatest military opponent, and the winner was . . . George Washington.

The Father of our Country beat out Napoleon Bonaparte, Irish leader Michael Collins, Erwin Rommel, the crafty Desert Fox of World War II, and Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, a World War I opponent and the father of modern Turkey, among a number of other candidates.

How could Washington be considered a greater foe than the likes of Napoleon?  After all, the history of the Revolutionary War is a long litany of defeats and retreats by the outmanned American forces, without many of the brilliant tactical maneuvers that gave Napoleon and Rommel their reputations.  For that reason, some people have belittled Washington’s military prowess.

But one other, important factor distinguishes Washington from Napoleon and Rommel — Washington’s side eventually prevailed.  General Washington never gave up and somehow managed to hold together his rag-tag, underfunded band of soldiers until the French entered the fray.  Washington then teamed with the French to deliver the final blow to the British forces at Yorktown, which led to the Treaty of Paris and the independence of the American colonies.

The loss of the American colonies was probably the greatest defeat ever inflicted on the British during the glory centuries of the British Empire.  So yes, George Washington is a logical choice for England’s greatest military opponent.  He was, as the British themselves recognized, a worthy foe.

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One of the great things about New York City is that you can find interesting bits of history just about anywhere and everywhere.  Today we were walking to the Tenement Museum when we passed the historic Cooper Union building.

Anyone who enjoys American history — and particularly anyone who finds Abraham Lincoln fascinating, as I do — recognizes the Cooper Union as the site of a crucial turning point in Lincoln’s ascent to the presidency.  It was at the Cooper Union, on a snowy night on February 27, 1860, that Lincoln gave a speech about slavery that helped to catapult him to the Republican nomination.  Through his famous speech, Lincoln demonstrated that he was no awkward backwoodsman, but rather a national leader who could speak seriously, thoughtfully, and forcefully about the paramount issue of the day.  The Cooper Union speech helped to establish Lincoln as a bona fide candidate, and not some mere regional favorite son.

The Cooper Union building stands still, with its old-fashioned lettering and clock, and looks much the same as it did on that night nearly 152 years ago, when the strapping frontier lawyer came to Gotham and thrilled his sophisticated audience with his logic and the power of his arguments.

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The recent commemoration of the 150th anniversary of the attack on Fort Sumter and the start of the Civil War brought that horrible conflict back into the consciousness of many Americans.  In many of the cities and towns of the Midwest, however, the reminders of the Civil War are ever-present.

I was in Indianapolis recently, and the gigantic Soldiers’ and Sailors’ Monument at the heart of Monument Circle is a good example.  Although the monument recognizes the contributions of soldiers and sailors from many conflicts beginning with the Revolutionary War, the portion of the monument that deals with the Civil War is the most memorable.  The devastating statistics of Indiana’s contribution to the Civil War effort, noting the hundreds of thousands who served and tens of thousands who died, are set forth in simple, precisely carved numbers on the facade.  The statistics appear under the heading “War For The Union.”

As one Hoosier mentioned to me on my visit, it is no accident that the numbers appear on the side of the monument facing due south.

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It was a time of terrible fear and tension.  Even before 1860 had ended, South Carolina had announced that it had seceded from the Union. Mississippi, Florida, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, and Texas followed in quick succession, and the first Congress of the Confederate States met in February 1861.  By March 4, 1861, when new President Abraham Lincoln was finally inaugurated and took office, he faced a full-fledged rebellion — and a newly self-declared sovereign nation.

Fort Sumter, located in the harbor of Charleston, South Carolina — the epicenter of the rebellion — became one of Lincoln’s first challenges.  The day after his inauguration, Lincoln received a message from Major Robert Anderson, the commander of the fort’s garrison of less than 100 men, announcing that Fort Sumter was equipped with only six weeks’ supply of food.  Anderson’s message presented the new President with an impossible choice.  At the time, many southern states — including important border states like Virginia, North Carolina, and Tennessee — had not yet formally decided whether to secede.  If Lincoln withdrew the garrison, wouldn’t that constitute a recognition that the Confederate States were no longer part of the Union and encourage the rebels?  And if Lincoln tried to aid the garrison, wouldn’t the confrontation that was likely to result inflame the passions of the citizens of the uncommitted states and throw them over to the Confederate cause?

After weeks of deliberation, on April 8, 1861, Lincoln notified the governor of South Carolina that he would resupply the fort.  Events then quickly spiraled out of control.  The Confederate government decided to force the evacuation of Fort Sumter rather than permit it to be provisioned.  On April 11, the Confederate commander delivered the evacuation ultimatum to Major Anderson, and in the early morning hours of April 12, 1861, the Confederates announced that the bombardment of the fort would begin in one hour.

At 4:30 a.m. on April 12, 1861, the Confederate batteries opened fire.  Some citizens of Charleston cheered, others wept and prayed.  A few hours later, the Union forces returned fire.  The battle continued for more than 30 hours, until buildings inside the fort were aflame and it became clear that restocking the fort would not be permitted.  On April 13, Anderson surrendered the fort, and the Battle of Fort Sumter was over.  No soldier on either side was killed during the bombardment — although, ironically, one soldier was killed and another mortally wounded during the attempt to complete a 100-gun salute to mark the fort’s surrender.  The rest of the garrison then marched out of the fort, undisturbed, and returned to the North where they were welcomed as heroes.

One hundred and fifty years ago today, the American Civil War began.

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Frank Buckles died on Sunday, at age 110.  Buckles was America’s last surviving World War I veteran.  He enlisted at age 16, after lying to a recruiting officer about his age, and served as a clerk and ambulance driver in England and France.  The Washington Post reports that, with Buckles’ death, only two of the 65 million people who served in World War I are still living.

There is something terribly final about the death of the last human being to personally experience a war.  With Buckles’ passing, we lose the last American who was there during the awful carnage of trench warfare, the horrors of poison gas attacks, and the deadly charges across no man’s land into the teeth of barbed wire, machine gun bullets, and fortified bunkers.  No more Americans will be personally tormented by nightmares of the deaths of their comrades during The Great War.

With the severing of the last human links to the fighting, World War I moves from the realm of personal experience to the exclusive province of historians.  They will argue about tactics, and great historical forces, and issues like how the war could have been avoided and whether the German side could have prevailed had it acted differently.  Eventually a war in which millions of people participated and millions died, a war which saw the development of new weapons like the airplane and the tank — a war that participants thought was surely The War To End All Wars — will become as abstract, dusty, and inexplicable as the Hundred Years’ War, the War of Jenkins’ Ear, or the War of Austrian Succession.  Frank Buckles’ passing takes us one step closer to that reality.

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Today — February 22 — is the birthday of George Washington.  Abraham Lincoln’s birthday is February 12.  Do we have a federal holiday on the actual birth date of either of those two colossal historical figures, who generally rank as the two greatest Presidents in American history?  No, we don’t.

James Buchanan doesn't deserve a holiday!

Instead, we have a holiday called “Presidents’ Day” that is easily the lamest holiday of the year.  There apparently were two steps in its creation.  First, Congress — no doubt after heavy lobbying by the travel industry — decided to give people as many three-day weekends as possible.  So, in the Uniform Monday Holiday Act of 1971, Congress dictated that Washington’s Birthday would be celebrated on the third Monday in February, and not on Washington’s actual birthday.  Then, the holiday somehow got broadened to include not just Washington, or even just Washington and Lincoln, but all Presidents through “Presidents’ Day.”  It is such a phony, meaningless holiday that it isn’t even recognized by most businesses.  What does it say about a holiday if most people don’t even get the day off?

George Washington deserves a holiday, and so does Lincoln.  In reality, however, most Presidents don’t.  There have been far more crappy Presidents than good Presidents.  James Buchanan and Millard Fillmore were disastrous Presidents.  They don’t deserve a holiday, they deserve to be forgotten.  The same goes for Andrew Johnson, Herbert Hoover, and Richard Nixon, among many others.

“Presidents’ Day” is like the modern practice of giving a trophy to every kid on a sports team, no matter whether his team wins or loses or whether the kid is talented or the most uncoordinated soccer player ever to stumble onto a field.  (My God, James Buchanan even looks like the kind of hapless kid whose domineering mother insists that he get some kind of recognition regardless of his complete ineptitude.)  It’s like we are trying to not hurt the self-esteem of the crummy Presidents, so we give them an embarrassing holiday that most of the country ignores.  It’s time to get rid of Presidents’ Day.  Let’s go back to recognizing a President who did make a difference, and actually celebrate his birthday on his real birth date.

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Today is the 100th anniversary of Ronald Reagan’s birth.  Lots of people are commemorating the occasion, and the celebration will include a tribute video aired before the Super Bowl.

I never met Reagan — although I did watch from the House gallery as he gave one of his State of the Union speeches — and I can’t relate any personal anecdotes about him.  I can say, however, that Reagan, more than any other recent political figure, has demonstrated how the judgments of history and hindsight can be radically different from the viewpoints of the moment.

Kish and I lived in Washington, D.C. during most of the Reagan presidency.  At that time, many of the people in the Nation’s Capital dismissed and despised Reagan.  A considerable portion of the political classes honestly thought he was an amiable but senile idiot, and they were appalled that he was President.  Indeed, many of Reagan’s qualities that are now being celebrated — his unflinching optimism and belief in American exceptionalism, his steadfastness in the face of the challenges posed by the Soviet Union, and his belief in the power of free enterprise and democracy, among others — at that time were cited by his detractors as examples of a feeble, inflexible mind that was incapable of grasping and adapting to the nuances and subtleties of an ever-changing world.

Perhaps the most extraordinary thing about the Reagan legacy is that, only 30 years after he took office, there seems to be an overwhelming consensus that Reagan was a towering historical figure whose presidency was a kind of golden era.  The fact that President Obama, a liberal Democrat, views Reagan as a model of sorts probably says more about what Reagan accomplished than anything else.  For that reason alone, Ronald Reagan’s birthday is well worth celebrating, and his legacy is well worth remembering.

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One of my favorite classes at Ohio State was an American history class that examined the first half of the 20th century.  The teacher was excellent and enjoyed using anecdotes to illustrate the characters of historical figures.  For President Calvin Coolidge — nicknamed “Silent Cal” — he related a story about a talkative woman who bet her friends that she could get Coolidge to say more than three words to her during a dinner party.  At the party, she went up to Coolidge and told him about the bet.  Silent Cal looked at her and said:  “You lose.”

Now some historians are reconsidering Coolidge, who served as President from the death of Warren Harding in 1923 until 1928, and arguing that he should be ranked as one of America’s greater Presidents.  A recent article in Forbes makes the case.  It notes that Coolidge presided over a time of peace and prosperity, cut government spending and tax rates, and achieved an enviable record of economic growth.  And — almost unimaginable today — Coolidge voluntarily decided not to run for re-election in 1928.  (His timing was impeccable, of course, because the stock market crash happened only a few months after Herbert Hoover succeeded Coolidge, and the Great Depression began.  If Coolidge had decided differently, his historical pedigree might be significantly different.)

It is hard for me to rank Coolidge as one of the greatest Presidents, and surveys of historians suggest there is general agreement on that point.  Wikipedia has a handy chart of the various rankings over the years, and Coolidge, in recent times, has consistently ranked in the third quartile — i.e., the bottom half — of Presidents.  I think the truly great Presidents are those which had to overcome some great test or challenge, and Coolidge never had that opportunity.  Still, in an era when government has grown to an enormous size and government spending is at unimaginable levels, Coolidge’s focus on very limited government, and his view that “I want taxes to be less, that the people may have more,” is very attractive, indeed.

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Sixty-eight years ago, the Imperial government of Japan bombed Pearl Harbor.  The surprise attack on America’s main Pacific Ocean naval base was just one of many attacks launched by Japan that day, but it is the one that Americans remember most.  President Roosevelt called it a day that will live in infamy, and he was right.  Americans still remember the attack, still burn inwardly at the iconic photographs of tilting, sinking battleships partially obscured by smoke, and still visit the Arizona monument and think somberly of the sailors below, trapped forever in their watery tomb.

I mention Pearl Harbor not merely because today is the 68th anniversary of the bombing, but because I think our national response to the attack is worth remembering.  Under President Roosevelt’s leadership, America — which was horribly unprepared for war — geared up for an enormous struggle, fought a two-front war that featured bloody battles on virtually every continent, and eventually forced its enemies to accept unconditional surrender.  America did not ask for war, but when war was thrust upon it, it accepted that burden, made the necessary sacrifices, fought the war, and won.

I recognize that fighting an elusive terrorist network like Al Qaeda is not like fighting the Japanese Empire or Nazi Germany.  Al Qaeda’s minions do not wear uniforms or fight conventional battles.  Instead, they hide in remote, lawless areas, like the wild, mountainous territory along the border between Afghanistan and Pakistan, and wage war through suicide bombers and other terrorist devices.  Nevertheless, Al Qaeda attacked our country just as surely, and with results as devastating and deadly, as the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor.  The only appropriate response to that attack is to find our enemies, engage them, and ultimately kill them on the field of battle.

This seems self-evident to me.  The first obligation of any nation must be to ensure its own security, and no nation can be secure if it allows deadly attacks to occur without finding and defeating the attackers.  The United States therefore must find and defeat Osama bin Laden and Al Qaeda.  If, as our government currently suspects, they are in Afghanistan, then that is where we also must be.  For that reason, I support President Obama’s decision to send in more troops, and I think we should stay in Afghanistan — or wherever Osama bin Laden and his terrorist gang is found — until we get the job done.  This is not a war that America asked for, but it is a war that we must win.

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In addition to being the day on which World War I ended and Veterans’ Day is celebrated, November 11 also is the anniversary of the “Mayflower Compact” signed by the handful of settlers at the New Plymouth Colony.  The Compact was signed on November 11, 1620.

According to the text available on the Yale Law Library website, the Compact was written like a legal document — a kind of combination of an affidavit and a contract.  It states, in pertinent part, that the signers “[d]o by these Presents, solemnly and mutually, in the Presence of God and one another, covenant and combine ourselves together into a civil Body Politick, for our better Ordering and Preservation, and Furtherance of the Ends aforesaid: And by Virtue hereof do enact, constitute, and frame, such just and equal Laws, Ordinances, Acts, Constitutions, and Officers, from time to time, as shall be thought most meet and convenient for the general Good of the Colony; unto which we promise all due Submission and Obedience.”

Why should we care (other than to note that legalese was as prevalent in those long-ago days as it is now)?  We should care because the underlying concept of the Compact was so striking and different for that day and age.  Government was to be established not by the fiat of some faraway, hereditary King, but by the consent and agreement of the governed, who signed their mutual contract in their individual capacities.  The signers, in  turn, recognized that by banding together they could create a society that would be better “ordered and preserved” than if they struck out on their own in the wilderness.  Moreover, they reserved for themselves the ability to decide which laws, Constitutions, and Officers should be deemed “most meet and convenient for the general Good of the Colony.”

The Mayflower Compact is one of those early American documents that we all learn about in fifth grade American History classes, but then fades into obscurity, overshadowed by the titanic significance of the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution.  Yet it is one of the precursor documents which helped to create the spirit and mindset that made the Declaration and the Constitution possible.  In short, American colonists were governed because they consented and agreed to be governed.  We should all celebrate, and remember, one of the days on which that concept was realized and put into effect.

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