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Spock and Captain Kirk interrogate Khan in Star Trek Into Darkness

Almost fifty years after Gene Roddenberry conceived the original television series, the American institution of Star Trek thrives. Paramount Pictures pumped an astronomical $190 million into the newest film, Star Trek Into Darkness. In an era when dull action movies dominate the box office, it’s nice to see a studio take care of a franchise that celebrates science, exploration and the unity of humankind.

Unfortunately, those values must have gotten lost somewhere in the giant bales of money. Into Darkness is so crowded with laser fights and space crashes that there’s little room for the things that make Star Trek worth preserving. The director, J.J. Abrams, has turned a franchise about ideas into one about glossy special effects and explosive action scenes.

The plot is hardly worth explaining, serving only as an empty bookshelf to stack special effects sequences on. A villain from the old series, the genetically enhanced Khan, is terrorizing Starfleet in an effort to free his fellow supermen, who have been cryogenically frozen for centuries. After he escapes to enemy territory, the crew of the Enterprise sets out to capture him, tiptoeing to avoid starting a war with the bellicose Klingons.

Into Darkness is, at least, a well-made action film. The space chases and fistfights are riveting, seamed together with a witty script, flawless special effects and Abrams’ good sense of pacing. The cast is successful at channeling the personalities of Captain Kirk (Chris Pine), Spock (Zachary Quinto), Bones (Karl Urban) and Scotty (Simon Pegg). Benedict Cumberbatch plays Khan as an icy villain, with an arrogant stare and a disturbingly precise British accent — much different from the hotheaded performance by Ricardo Montalban in the original series.

Abrams succeeded in making a funny, exciting action flick, but he ignored the opportunities available in the rich Star Trek universe. Many scenes are set in 23rd-century London and San Francisco, a bonanza for Trek fans who hunger for depictions of post-warp drive human society. Yet all Abrams offers are the typical backgrounds of glass and steel scrapers seen in dozens of movies about the future. He could have delved farther into the relationships between the humans and the Klingons, but all that’s exchanged between them are laser beams. Instead of exploring the friendships among the Enterprise crew, he only tosses in a few token catch phrases.

The worst crime occurs near the end, when Abrams plagiarizes a touching scene from Star Trek II: the Wrath of Khan almost in its entirety. Was this supposed to be a remake? There are enough differences for it to avoid that epithet, but it has hardly more originality than if it were one.

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Papal Training

Catholics the world over have a new leader, Pope Francis I.  The new pontiff is 76 years old, formerly a Cardinal in Argentina, and the first Latin American and first Jesuit to be selected to serve as Pope.

I’m not a Catholic, but I wonder:  When the hand of destiny falls on a new Pope, how does he get ready for the job?  Is there any kind of papal training that occurs?  How does someone prepare to lead a church that traces its history back for nearly 2000 years and has 1.2 billion members?

So far, Francis seems to be off to a good start.  He chose his name in honor of St. Francis of Assisi, who is famed for his friendship to the poor and downtrodden, and Francis I seems ready to follow in some of St. Francis of Assisi’s footsteps.  He has reportedly shunned some of the elaborate trappings of his office, including ermine-lined robes, and has advised his fellow Argentinian members of the Church to save the money they might pay to travel to Rome for his installation and give it to the poor instead.  He traveled around Buenos Aires by subway, and already has slipped away from the Vatican and driven around Rome in an unmarked car to pray at the church where the founder of the Jesuit order once prayed and to visit a sick friend in a hospital.

When new figures come on the world scene, we often focus on their prior personal lives to try to glean information about how they might handle their new, more prominent role.  It’s hard to know whether the signs of humility that Francis I has displayed previously mean anything significant, and clearly they don’t say much about his views, ultimately, on the big issues that face the Catholic Church, like how it handled — or more accurately, mishandled — the priest sexual abuse scandal. On that issue and many others, we’ll have to see how Francis I responds now that he can direct Church policy.

Nevertheless, it wouldn’t hurt for the Catholic Church to be led by someone who tries to focus the Church anew on some of Jesus’ core teachings — like trying to help the poor and the downtrodden.

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Raising Anchor

IMG_2435Today we leave beautiful Antigua and head back to Columbus and its wintry reality.

It’s been wonderful to drop anchor here for the Christmas holiday and enjoy time with Kish and the boys in these beautiful surroundings.  A few hands of cribbage, good music by our plunge pool, some tropical drinks, a few new friends, and some fabulous sunsets — even the curse of biting bugs (and probably a spider or two, too) couldn’t put a dent in my good mood.

Now, it’s back to reality.  Ill try to take some of that Caribbean bonhomie with me, mon.

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We’ve often traveled south to warmer climes over the Christmas holidays, and our little family tradition has served us remarkably well from a storm avoidance standpoint.

IMG_2420We’ve missed massive ice storms that knocked out power for days, requiring our fellow Columbusites to live in hotels under tough conditions.  We’ve dodged huge snow blasts that have paralyzed traffic and left our friends reporting fender benders and complaining about bad snow removal.  And today we received word that we have missed an enormous “wintery mix” weather front that combines snow and sleet and ice, produced snowflakes as large as a man’s hand, and left the roads of Columbus in miserable shape.

We feel awful that, when we enjoy the sultry breezes, warm beaches and rum punches of the Caribbean, our friends back in Ohio are snowbound and suffering.  I’m sure, however, that the departure of the Webners and the arrival of a ballbusting storm is just coincidence and correlation, and not cause and effect.

 

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On Cruise Ship Row

IMG_2372Today we took a cab to St. John’s, the main town in Antigua, to roam around and do some shopping.  It’s like most of the other main towns we’ve seen in the Caribbean, with a weird mix of high-end shops that sell watches and jewelry and expensive liquor duty-free next to beat-up but colorful bars, restaurants, and tiny stalls selling scarves and cheap t-shirts and handmade goods.

The downtown area was jammed, and many of the tourists had hopped off the four cruise ships docked at St. John’s deepwater port.  It’s amazing how huge these ships are, like floating palaces stacked with deck after deck of cabins.  The shopkeepers of St. John’s appreciated their business.

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IMG_2317_2For about a half hour the day before yesterday, on a bright, sunny afternoon, I watched this sailboat skim across the surface of the bay, pulling along a small craft behind.  It was the kind of lazy, simple time that makes vacations so special, and it made me realize, yet again, that some day I would like to learn to sail.

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IMG_2279We’re staying in a small cottage here in Antigua, with one large bedroom, a bathroom, and a big front porch with a hammock and a “plunge pool.”

What’s a plunge pool, you ask?  As far as I’m concerned, it’s a very positive development in the home design area.  You walk out your front door into the Caribbean sunshine and plop into your own tiny pool, where the water is cool and you enjoy a view that looks out over the turquoise water in the bay below.  This morning Kish and I lounged in the pool drinking our coffee, and worked up our appetites for breakfast.

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On Tuesday, I’ll walk in to the polling booth at the church in New Albany where we vote and touch the screen for Mitt Romney and Paul Ryan.  I recognize that that decision won’t come as much of a surprise for loyal readers of our family blog.  I think it’s only fair to explain why, if only to add one more person’s perspective to the national conversation about this election.

In my view, the most important issue confronting our country is our federal deficit and national debt — the latter of which has passed the $16 trillion mark.  I care about other issues, of course, but I view our debt as the most fundamental issue of all because it involves basic concepts of national sovereignty.  Our debt is so large, and has existed for so long, that we tend to think of it as a kind of abstraction . . . but every dollar of that debt is a real obligation of our country, reflected in an instrument sold by the U.S. treasury to a willing buyer who will be paid a specified interest rate.  With each additional bit of borrowing, we give those people from whom we are borrowing leverage that may allow them to dictate terms — at first, the terms of the debt instruments, by insisting on higher interest payments, and then eventually the terms of how our government operates, by dictating whether we need to adopt austerity measures in how our country operates if we hope to obtain additional loans.  At that point, our national sovereignty is at stake.

We know this to be the case, because over the past few years we have seen it occur in Iceland and Ireland, and in Greece and Portugal.  Those countries borrowed irresponsibly and saw the interest rates on their debt instruments rise as investors became increasingly concerned that the debts might not be repaid and demanded higher rates as the price for accepting that risk.  And, ultimately, outside forces — the International Monetary Fund, European Union bankers, and others — went to each of those formerly sovereign nations and told them what they needed to do if they hoped to continue to borrow money.  Those governments accepted the conditions and agreed to the austerity measures imposed by outsiders because they had no choice.

I don’t want to see that happen here — yet, over the last four years, we have seen the United States move down that very same path, with annual trillion-dollar deficits that have taken our total debt past the unimaginable sum of $16 trillion.  We also passed a significant milestone on that road to perdition when our national credit rating was downgraded.  I don’t think that downgrade has received the attention it deserves.  Imagine!  Credit rating agencies presuming to raise questions about the credit of the leader of the free world, a country so stable that its currency gave rise to the now-antiquated phrase “sound as a dollar.”  But the ratings agencies are so presumptuous, and we are kidding ourselves if we think our many lenders aren’t also carefully considering our credit-worthiness.

I don’t want to wake up one morning and see that our political leaders are having to dance to the tune called by teams of grey-suited bankers from the IMF, or China, or Germany.  If that happens — and if we continue to rack up trillion-dollar annual deficits, it inevitably will — we shouldn’t kid ourselves about what it would mean.  Does anyone think federal funding of NPR or contraceptives, to identify only two of the issues being discussed during this campaign, would survive under the austerity measures forced upon us by creditors?  Does anyone think the bankers would hesitate to require fundamental changes in entitlement programs like Social Security and Medicare?  Does anyone think our country could continue to function as a world leader, and a force for good, as a debtor nation struggling to deal with its overwhelming credit problems?

I recognize this is a dire scenario, and some believe it just can’t happen here.  My response is to look at what has happened in Europe, to countries that have just been ahead of us on the irresponsible fiscal policy curve.  Their experience shows, I think, that it can happen here — and it will, if we don’t do something about it.  I’m too proud of this country and what it has accomplished to let that happen without trying to change course.

I don’t think President Obama places a high priority on grappling with our deficit and debt problems.  He’s talked about them, but his actions speak louder than his words.  He continues to propose budgets that would result in trillion-dollar debts for years into the future, and continues to propose the creation of new federal agencies and federal programs as the solution for every problem.  He hasn’t used the bully pulpit of the presidency to encourage Congress to act.  I’ve seen nothing from President Obama to indicate that his performance over the next four years on this crucial issue of national sovereignty would be any different than his performance over the past four years.

Mitt Romney and Paul Ryan, on the other hand, do focus on the issue of our deficit and our debt and have proposed approaches.  I think they understand the fundamental nature of the problem and would make working with Congress to address the issues in a meaningful way their top priority.  I want someone in the White House who will tackle the debt problem, not let us drift into catastrophe.  That’s why I’m voting for Mitt Romney and Paul Ryan.

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The enslaved fast-food worker Son-Mi struggles for freedom in 22nd-century Korea.

I would be hard pressed to think of a book more difficult to turn into a movie than David Mitchell’s Cloud Atlas.

Mitchell’s book follows six plots from six eras of history. The stories are about, in chronological order, a man working on a slaveboat in the 19th century who has a crisis of conscience, an aspiring composer from the 1930s who must hide his homosexuality, a reporter in 1970s California who uncovers a deadly plot involving a nuclear power plant, an English man from the present day kept prisoner in a nursing home, a cloned fast-food slave from 22nd-century Korea who attempts an escape, and a man in post-apocalyptic Hawaii trying to protect his village from a predatory tribe. The plots are loosely connected by hints that some characters are reincarnations of the same soul.

As if turning that into a film weren’t hard enough, the book has a pita-sandwich structure, with the earliest story beginning and ending the book, the second coming second and second-to-last, etc. Only the chronologically-last story is unbroken in the middle, with the others cutting off abruptly, sometimes in the middle of a sentence.

When I saw the film version of Cloud Atlas over the weekend, I was amazed that the Wachowskis managed to turn the book not only into a coherent film, but an entertaining, thoughtful one. This took some serious story-telling skills and imagination (they are, after all, the directors of The Matrix), but also a talented cast and great stories to work from.

The movie abandons the pita-sandwich structure of the book. I imagine this was a difficult decision for the filmmakers, but the right one. They would be asking a lot of the audience to wait three hours (the movie clocks in at 2 hours and 50 minutes) to see the conclusion of the story that began the film. Instead, the directors and editors spliced together the six stories in parallel, matching their expositions, climaxes and denouements. In a feat that surely drew a lot of sweat from the screenwriters, editors and directors, they made this work. Although the pacing lags a bit near the end, they put the stories together in a way that makes their common themes clear and keeps the viewer hooked.

As in the case of all their work, the Wachowskis use their imaginative prowess to take the film to a higher level than the average Hollywood thriller, especially in their depiction of the 22nd-century Korea in which a “corpocratic” government rules over a mass of depraved consumers. A clone named Sonmi who is enslaved in a McDonald’s-style restaurant goes on the lam after glimpsing an inspiring movie clip on a customer’s phone. While reading the book, I savored every detail of this fascinating dystopia, and I felt the same way during the movie. The Wachowskis use special effects to create a brilliant vision of a brutal future that made me wish I could pause the movie to get a better look at Neo Seoul. The setting rivaled the Los Angeles of Blade Runner and the vast human-farms of the original Matrix in its horrible wonder.

Another ingredient of the glue that holds these plotlines together is the cast. Tom Hanks, Halle Berry, Hugh Grant and Susan Sarandon play different characters in each of the stories, helping the viewer understand their cosmic connections. I especially enjoyed watching Tom Hanks show a versatility I didn’t know he had. I’ve always thought he had a knack at giving movies a moral center with down-to-earth roles, but here he pulls off a wild range of personalities – an evil doctor on a slave boat, a slimy hotel clerk, a conscientious nuclear scientist, a cockney tough-guy, and a schizophrenic tribal leader who speaks a pidgin future American English.

The Wachowskis were also successful in translating the themes of the book to the screen, if in a more digestible form. Each of the six stories follows characters who make the difficult choice to go against the grain of their historical setting to do what’s right. Obviously, the goodwill of the characters doesn’t keep society from going bonkers – that’s evident even from the trailer or the description on the back of the book. The message of the movie and the book is that even futile acts of charity are worthwhile because they elevate the human soul to an ether above worldly matters. Watching these stories, I felt the same revolutionary thrill as when Neo kills the agents at the end of The Matrix.

I was motivated to write this review by the lukewarm reception the movie has received elsewhere. I was bewildered by this, because Cloud Atlas got an emphatic check mark next to every entry on my list of what a movie should be. It was fun, it featured interesting characters, it transported me to different worlds, and it gave me something to think about after I left the theater.

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Today, two of the biggest publicity-seekers in American life are supposed to unveil “October surprises” about the two presidential candidates.  Gloria Allred claims to have some new revelation about Mitt Romney, and Donald Trump has announced that he has some information about President Obama.

I loathe media hounds, and I groan whenever there is a suggestion of an “October surprise” that is supposed to change the direction of the presidential race.  The “surprises” are never about anything recent or anything substantive; that fact is not surprising, because the meaningful records and activities of modern presidential candidates are closely scrutinized and and highly publicized.  Instead, the “surprises” typically involve a claim about matters that happened years or even decades ago, often about a personal matter that has nothing to do with the issues of the day.  The disclosures of such antique personal matters are always justified on the ground that they purportedly reveal something about the candidate’s character — but we all know, really, that the person making the disclosure just craves the spotlight and yearns for the public attention that apparently is the only thing that can give their pathetic lives meaning.

I think most Americans despise our modern electoral politics, where the prevailing approach seems to be a divisive, scorched earth strategy designed primarily to tear down and demonize the opponent.  When you mix in media hounds who are motivated by their lust for a few moments of air time, the process becomes intolerable.  Whatever this year’s “October surprises” might be, I hope they are ignored by the media and voters alike.  The best result for our country would be if Allred, Trump, and their ilk gave press conferences that no one attended.

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Hey, I thought that debate was supposed to be on foreign policy!

Okay, there was some discussion on foreign policy topics, but President Obama took every opportunity to turn to domestic issues, and Mitt Romney was perfectly comfortable going to domestic issues, too.  President Obama’s phrase of the night was “we need to do some nation-building at home” — something he mentioned multiple times.  He also spoke, frequently, of women’s rights and education.

The tone of the debate, overall, was more civil, with more willingness to indicate agreement than we have seen.  That may well have been Romney’s strategy.  Still, there were some awkward shots taken, and in my view, they were mostly taken by the President.  The President had an obviously scripted comment –  “The 1980s called and is asking for its foreign policy back,” followed by a reference to a “social policy of the 1950s” and “economic policy of the 1920s,” that I thought was forced and unfortunate.  The President’s later comment that foreign affairs isn’t a game of Battleship, and involves aircraft carriers and submarines, also seemed patronizing and harsh, and struck a clanging note in my view.  The President’s interruption of Romney when Romney was explaining his position on the auto industry also seemed unnecessarily aggressive.  C’mon, Mr. President — let him answer, then give your response.

I thought both candidates did a good job, but I would give the edge to Romney.  The President has had the job and has dealt with foreign affairs for years; Romney looked like he belongs on the same stage as the President and could speak knowledgeably about every topic thrown his way — whether it was China, or Iran, or trade policy.  Romney’s closing statement was, I thought, very effective as well.  Romney looked like he could be President, and that clearly was one of his more important goals.

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Today the Ohio State Buckeyes play the Purdue Boilermakers.  I’ll be there, in what is likely to be a very soggy Horseshoe, looking to answer one question:  what the heck has happened to the Ohio State defense?

Ohio State is undefeated, but I doubt if any Ohio State fan feels real good about that.  Last week the Buckeyes gave up 49 points, and almost 500 yards of offense, to Indiana.  The defense fell apart at the end of the game, giving up 21 fourth-quarter points and two late touchdowns that turns a comfortable win into a 52-49, recover-the-onside-kick-or-die nailbiter.  The indiana debacle is just the worst performance of an Ohio State defense that has given up a lot of points and a lot of big plays.  Is it the defensive scheme?  Injuries?  Poor tackling techniques?  Players who aren’t playing up to their capabilities?  Bad angles and coverage breakdowns?  This defense is so bad right now that it is undoubtedly all of those things — and probably a few more besides.

The embarrassing performance of the defense is particularly galling for two reasons.  First, Ohio State has traditionally prided itself on playing stout defense; during the Jim Tressel era the Buckeyes were a mainstay at the top of the college football scoring defense and total defense rankings.  With that history, it’s tough to see players blow assignments, miss tackles, and take bad angles that turn short gains into big ones.  Second, the lack of a defense this year is hard to swallow because the Ohio State offense is playing so well.  If the Buckeyes defense were good, this team might actually be in the conversation about the best teams in the country.  You just can’t include a team that gives up 49 points and had an end of game meltdown against Indiana in that conversation, however.

Today’s opponent, Purdue, is a bit of a cipher.  The Boilermakers looked good in their early games and lost a tight one to Notre Dame, but have been blown out in their last two games, against Michigan and Wisconsin.  In those games the Boilermakers have struggled to run the ball and put up points and have been gashed on defense — particularly on the ground.  When the Boilermakers have the ball, will the Buckeyes defense look better against what appears to be a weak offense, or will the Boilermaker offense feast on the offerings of a feeble Ohio State unit that will feature the team’s fullback playing middle linebacker?

Purdue always makes me uneasy, too, because it beat the Buckeyes in 2009 and last year.  I don’t want to see another loss to these guys.

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Tonight the second of four national campaign debates takes place.  Vice President Joe Biden and Republican candidate Paul Ryan will go at it for 90 minutes.

I know many conservatives have been slavering for this match-up, and I imagine many Democrats are hoping that Biden can right the ship after President Obama’s underwhelming performance during the first presidential debate.  The veep debate will cover both domestic and foreign policy issues, and will consist of nine 10-minute segments.  The moderator will ask a question, each candidate will have two minutes to respond, and then the moderator will guide the discussion of the issue for the remainder of the time period.  Martha Raddatz of ABC News is moderating, and given the uproar about Jim Lehrer’s laid back approach during the first presidential debate, I expect that she is getting lots of free advice about how she should discharge her moderating duties.

Conservatives are looking forward to this match-up because they believe that Ryan is knowledgeable and capable and Biden is a gaffe machine who inevitably will stumble into some blunder.  That could happen, of course, but I think it’s equally likely that Biden will more than hold his own.  He’s an experienced national figure who’s been through lots of debates before, whereas this will be Ryan’s first time all alone on the big national stage.  If the Democratic ticket wants to bounce back from the President’s poor showing in the first debate, Biden needs to deliver a strong performance.  I’m sure he’s been very focused on making sure that he is adequately prepared.

In the end, I’m not sure that the vice presidential debate means much of anything.  I don’t think anyone votes for a ticket based on the veep — but tonight’s debate should be interesting.

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How many times have you looked out the window and seen this scene?  The sun low on the horizon, the shimmering tarmac, the airport control tower etched black against the yellow sky . . . you could be at any airport in the world, ready to leave or just landing.  (In the case of this photograph, it’s Houston.)

Business travel seems exciting when you’re a kid, but eventually you come to feel that overwhelming sense of sameness, deep in the marrow of your bones.

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Yard Sign Season

With Election Day less than a week away, and early voting already underway, the yard signs have sprung up in New Albany.

If you talk to people who are avid about their politics, you often hear discussion about yard sign trends.  Are there more Obama yard signs this year than in 2008?  Do the presence of signs for Democrats in local races mean that there could be a Democratic surge?  If you see more Romney signs than Obama signs, does that mean that the Romney voters are more energized?  In short, can we draw any meaningful inferences from the number of yard signs we see?

There probably is some kind of inverse correlation between yard signs and voter apathy.  Obviously, you aren’t going to put up yard signs if you don’t give a flying fig about the outcome of the election.  And the unexpected presence of a bunch of political signs could be a signal of a broad shift.  If you suddenly saw lots of Romney signs in traditional Democratic strongholds, for example, you might take notice.

Beyond that, though, I’m a bit skeptical of whether yard signs can serve as any kind of indicator of future voting trends.  Local signs don’t mean much with respect to national races, in my view; people often put up signs for friends or acquaintances who are running for judge or city council.  People who talk about seeing more signs for their preferred party than they did during the last election cycle might just be seeing what they are hoping to see.  And even if they aren’t, a change in yard signage may be attributable to many other factors.  Maybe someone who put up signs last year decided not to do so again because their neighbors complained.  Or, more likely, they got sick of constantly adjusting signs after one of the many blustery October storms blew through town.  Signs made of a cheap wire frame and plastic wrap have an irritating tendency to blow down, after all.

The number of political signs may be interesting water-cooler talk, but I don’t attach much significance to it.

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